Why Are We Like This Why Are We Like This?

Most of us have done it: glancing at a provocative headline, feeling a surge of agreement or outrage, and hitting the “share” button without reading the article. This behavior has created a digital environment where the most popular articles are often the least read. Reading and sharing serve different functions. We treat reading as a private act of learning, but sharing as a public act of signaling.

Research into this “social news gap” shows that motivations for sharing often have little to do with the quality of the information.1 Sharing is a tool for self-presentation. We curate our feeds to look knowledgeable, politically engaged, or morally righteous to our peers. The content of the article matters less than the headline’s ability to signal our identity.

This habit is not evidence of malice or nihilism. Much of it stems from cognitive laziness and platform design. Our attention is limited, and social media feeds are built for rapid scanning, not deep engagement. The good news is that this appears to be a problem of inattention rather than an inability to discern truth. When people are nudged to pause and think about accuracy, their sharing habits improve significantly.2, 3

The Social News Gap#

What we read and what we share are strikingly different. In the pre-social media era, editors acted as gatekeepers, deciding what was newsworthy. Today, we are all gatekeepers, but we apply different criteria to different actions. We read articles that satisfy our personal curiosity, often entertainment or deeper analysis. We share articles that we think make us look good or that define our public stance on an issue.1

This creates a “social news gap.” Reading is private consumption. Sharing is public broadcasting. Because sharing is public, it carries social risks and rewards that reading does not. We are acutely aware that our shared links contribute to our online reputation. Users often share “hard” news (politics, economics) to signal civic engagement, even if they actually spend their time reading “soft” news or entertainment.1

This performative aspect of sharing can inflate our subjective sense of knowledge. The act of sharing news can make us feel like we know more about a topic, regardless of whether we absorbed the information.4, 5 This creates a feedback loop where the public signal of knowledge replaces the actual acquisition of it.

The Self-Presentation Trap#

Social media is a theater of self-presentation. We use news sharing to manage how others perceive us.

Users motivated by self-presentation are more active sharers. When the goal is to curate a specific persona, the accuracy of the content becomes less important than its alignment with that persona.6, 7 If a headline perfectly encapsulates a user’s political worldview, the incentive to verify the details inside diminishes.

This is compounded by the “News-Finds-Me” perception. This is the belief that one does not need to actively seek news because important information will naturally appear in one’s social feed. People who hold this belief tend to be less knowledgeable about politics and more susceptible to sharing misinformation.8, 9 They rely on their network to curate reality for them. They treat passive scrolling as a substitute for active information seeking.

By the numbers

The disconnect between reading and sharing is measurable. In an analysis of online news behavior, Bright 1 found that while entertainment news is frequently read, it is shared at much lower rates compared to its popularity. Conversely, political and general news is shared disproportionately to how much it is actually clicked.

Furthermore, the “News-Finds-Me” perception is not just a passive attitude but a predictor of behavior. High scorers on this scale are less likely to verify information and more likely to share fake news, mediated by the belief that their social circle acts as a sufficient filter.9, 10

Emotion and Identity Over Accuracy#

When we share without reading, we are often reacting to emotional triggers rather than intellectual ones. High-arousal emotions, particularly anger and moral outrage, are potent drivers of sharing behavior.

Framing news in terms of conflict or morality significantly increases the likelihood of it being shared.11 This explains why nuanced policy analysis often languishes while incendiary takes travel far. The emotional impact of a conflict-framed headline prompts an immediate social reaction. We share to validate our feelings and to rally our in-group against an out-group.

This is particularly true in political contexts. Partisanship is a robust predictor of sharing behavior, often overriding concerns about source credibility. The sharing of “fake news” is driven less by a complete inability to distinguish truth from fiction and more by partisan polarization. People share content that derogates their political opponents as a form of “cheerleading,” prioritizing their identity as a loyal partisan over their identity as a truthful person.12

It is important to distinguish between sharing despite knowing it’s false and sharing because one failed to check. The latter appears to be more common.

The Attention Economy and Design#

Most people do not want to spread lies. When asked directly, the vast majority of users rate accuracy as highly important. Yet they still share inaccurate information. This discrepancy is often due to an attention deficit induced by platform design rather than a moral deficit in the user.13

Social media platforms are designed for rapid, heuristic-based decision-making. We scroll quickly, looking for cues (likes, familiar sources, emotional headlines) rather than conducting deep audits of content. In this environment, our preference for accuracy remains latent. It is there, but it is not activated.

The debate: Malice or Inattention?

There is an ongoing debate in the literature about why people share misinformation.

One camp argues it is partisan malice: people know the news is dubious but share it anyway to signal loyalty or attack opponents.12

Another camp argues it is inattention: people value truth but are distracted by the social media environment. Supporting this view, Pennycook and colleagues have shown that simply asking people to rate the accuracy of a single non-political headline can “prime” the concept of accuracy, significantly reducing the subsequent sharing of fake news.13, 2, 3

This suggests that for many users, the failure to read or verify is a cognitive slip, not a deliberate strategy.

The effectiveness of simple interventions supports the inattention hypothesis. “Accuracy nudges” are prompts that remind users to think about truthfulness. They can reduce misinformation sharing intentions by shifting attention back to accuracy without reducing user engagement significantly.14, 15 This implies that the urge to share without reading is not an immutable trait. It is a product of an environment that encourages speed over reflection.

The Silent Majority#

It is easy to look at the flood of unread shares and assume everyone is doing it. But the distribution of sharing behavior is highly skewed. A small minority of “supersharers” accounts for the vast majority of shared news, particularly misinformation.16

Most users are actually quite reluctant to share. Many practice “deliberate news withholding,” choosing not to share news they find interesting because they fear social conflict, worry about their reputation, or simply do not want to annoy their friends.6, 17

These “under-the-radar” users often engage with news passively or in private channels, avoiding the public performance of the news feed entirely.18 For these users, the social risks of sharing (being wrong, starting a fight) outweigh the self-presentation benefits.

We share without reading because, on social media, news is not just information. It is a currency of social connection and identity. We use headlines to signal who we are, often at the expense of understanding what we are sharing. While this behavior is driven by the desire for status and the high-speed design of our platforms, it is not inevitable. The evidence suggests that we still value the truth. We just need to be reminded to look for it before we hit “post.”

References#

References (18 cited sources)

1. Bright, J. (2016). The social news gap: how news reading and news sharing diverge. Journal of Communication, 66(3), 343-365. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcom.12232

2. Pennycook, G., Epstein, Z., Mosleh, M., Arechar, A. A., Eckles, D., & Rand, D. G. (2021). Shifting attention to accuracy can reduce misinformation online. Nature, 592(7855), 590-595. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41586-021-03344-2

3. Pennycook, G., McPhetres, J., Zhang, Y., Lu, J. G., & Rand, D. G. (2020). Fighting COVID-19 misinformation on social media: experimental evidence for a scalable accuracy-nudge intervention. Psychological Science, 31(7), 770-780. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797620939054

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5. Dreston, J. H., & Neubaum, G. (2025). Navigating Social Media News Use: Exploring the Impact of Intentional and Incidental News Consumption on Objective and Subjective Political Knowledge. Communication Research, 00936502251317818. https://doi.org/10.1177/00936502251317818

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7. Oeldorf-Hirsch, A., & Sundar, S. S. (2015). Posting, commenting, and tagging: Effects of sharing news stories on Facebook. Computers in Human Behavior, 44, 240-249. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2014.11.024

8. Oeldorf-Hirsch, A., & Srinivasan, P. (2022). An unavoidable convenience: how post-millennials engage with the news that finds them on social and mobile media. Journalism, 23(9), 1939-1954. https://doi.org/10.1177/1464884921990251

9. Tian, Y., & Willnat, L. (2025). From news disengagement to fake news engagement: Examining the role of news-finds-me perceptions in vulnerability to fake news through third-person perception. Computers in Human Behavior, 162, 108431. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2024.108431

10. Yoo, J. J., Johnson, T. J., & Lacasa-Mas, I. (2024). The dynamics of misinformation sharing: the mediated role of news-finds-me perception and the moderated role of partisan social identity. Mass Communication and Society, 0(0), 1-27. https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2024.2401842

11. Valenzuela, S., Piña, M., & Ramírez, J. (2017). Behavioral effects of framing on social media users: how conflict, economic, human interest, and morality frames drive news sharing. Journal of Communication, 67(5), 803-826. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcom.12325

12. Osmundsen, M., Bor, A., Vahlstrup, P. B., Bechmann, A., & Petersen, M. B. (2020). Partisan polarization is the primary psychological motivation behind “fake news” sharing on Twitter. https://doi.org/10.31234/osf.io/v45bk

13. Pennycook, G., & Rand, D. G. (2021). The psychology of fake news. Trends in Cognitive Sciences, 25(5), 388-402. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tics.2021.02.007

14. Pennycook, G., & Rand, D. G. (2022). Nudging social media toward accuracy. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 700(1), 152-164. https://doi.org/10.1177/00027162221092342

15. Chan, M., Yi, J., Vaccari, C., & Yamamoto, M. (2025). A cross-national examination of the effects of accuracy nudges and content veracity labels on belief in and sharing of misleading news. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 30(4), zmaf009. https://doi.org/10.1093/jcmc/zmaf009

16. Sun, Y., & Xie, J. (2024). Who shares misinformation on social media? A meta-analysis of individual traits related to misinformation sharing. Computers in Human Behavior, 158, 108271. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2024.108271

17. Yang, F., & Horning, M. (2020). Reluctant to Share: How Third Person Perceptions of Fake News Discourage News Readers From Sharing “Real News” on Social Media. Social Media + Society, 6(3), 2056305120955173. https://doi.org/10.1177/2056305120955173

18. Tenenboim, O. (2025). Under-the-radar engagement: how and why news users limit their public expression. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication, 30(1), zmae024. https://doi.org/10.1093/jcmc/zmae024

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Why do we share news we haven't actually read?
https://whyarewe.co/blog/not-reading
Author Why Are We Like This?
Published at January 15, 2026